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Vertiy O.I.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.64

 

Abstract. An analysis of the scientific work of M. Nabok “National peculiarities of the perception of Ukrainian Folk Dumas through the prism of “creator – performer – listener” was carried out. Scientific developments of European countries in the area of philological researches: Collective monograph. Riga: Izdevnieciba “Baltija Publishing”, 2020. P. 2. P. 327-344. ISBN 978-9934-588-56-3. The main components of the image of the kobzar, bandurist and lyre player, which determine its national nature and essence, are characterized based on the material of the Ukrainian Folk Dumas.

Keywords: folk dumas, perception, national values, consciousness.

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Hrytsenko A., Mozghovyi O.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.5

 

Abstract. The basis of communist propaganda is the views of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels as the founders of communist ideology. The Soviet state was built on their works and ideas. But Marx and Engels were quite critical of the issue of propaganda. From their point of view, the revolution and the transition to communism are the consequences of scientific and technological progress, which do not depend on the activities of individuals and will definitely happen in the future. Therefore, there is no need to create documents and programs that would help to implement a communist revolution in the future, especially since they did not see the need for propaganda, because humanity, over time, will understand the superiority of communism over capitalism.

Also, Marx and Engels denied the idea of ​​revolution in the Russian Empire because they believed that the Russian working class was too weak to carry out a revolution, and Russia was still an aristocratic state. The true founder of communist propaganda in the USSR was Lenin. He wanted to create a new working class in the country through propaganda, which would be devoted to the party and the ideas of communism. With this, he wanted to find a compromise between his desire for a revolution in Russia and the views of Marx.

From the beginning of the USSR, education was given one of the first places in the propaganda system. Because education played the role of the primary link in the process of socialization of the individual, filling it with ideological propaganda made it possible to raise future generations as committed communists.

By the end of the 1930s, both a new education system and new teaching methods were formed, in accordance with the new ideology. Changes introduced by Anton Makarenko played an important role in this process.

In Makarenko’s opinion, education and upbringing should be carried out only in and with the help of the collective. Only the collective is capable of forming a full-fledged personality, revealing its potential and making it a conscious part of society. Individual interests should always be subordinated to collective interests, both in education and in life. In addition, Makarenko was a great supporter of military discipline, and accordingly, he sought to incorporate elements of the army system into the education system. It was from the collective organization of army units that he rejected when organizing collectivism in schools.

Makarenko’s ideas were very important for the new state. They were supposed to help reeducate the country’s population in accordance with the principles of communism, including military methods and concentration camps. Thanks to Makarenko, the Soviet state developed its own theory and methodology of authoritarian and imperative influence on society’s consciousness. The Soviet authorities became confident that regardless of a person’s age and social status, with the help of education, he can be reeducated into a true communist, using propaganda.

Lenin and his entourage sought to cover the entire society with the education system, not only the proletariat, as Marx wanted. The future member of the communist society began to perceive communist propaganda from kindergarten, school, and communication in the family and participation in youth organizations: Little Octobrists, Pioneers and Komsomol.

Keywords: Soviet propaganda, education, USSR, Marxism, Leninism, education, labor schools, philosophy of education, mass media, political system, political education.

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Korol V.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.14

 

Abstract. The article is devoted to the analysis of the characteristic features and peculiarities of the organization and implementation of rural electrification in Ukraine during the first post-war twenty years (1945-1965).

The author considered the post-war Soviet government regulations on the development of rural electrification. The authorities envisioned the use of electricity primarily in production processes, betting on the use of renewable energy sources and/or local, cheap fuels. This process took place under the conditions of the administrative-command system, it was authorized and directed centrally, in a directive way at the highest state level.

Three periods of implementation of this process are defined:

– the second half of the 1940s – the beginning of post-war electrification in combination with the reconstruction of the most necessary production and infrastructure facilities;

– the 1950s – active construction of autonomous power plants and creation of local power grids in rural areas;

– the first half of the 1960s – complete electrification of villages with centralized connection to a single state power grid.

The supply of equipment, installation, repair, supervision, and maintenance of rural power plants was carried out by the regional offices of the Republican Test (later the Main Directorate) of Rural Electrification (“Ukrsilelektro”/”Ukrgolovsilelektro”). However, its effectiveness remained quite low, and the quality of the work performed caused numerous complaints.

Electrification cost considerable money, took place unevenly, and depended on many local conditions (the presence of nearby rivers, fuel deposits, industrial facilities, transport connections, etc.).

The research is based on materials from the funds of the Central State Archives of Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Central State Archives of Public Associations and Ukrainians.

Keywords: Ukrsilelectro, electrification, construction, countryside, power stations, power grids, post-war era.

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Hrytsenko A., Prokopchuk V., Chumachenko O.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.23

 

Abstract. In the submitted article, the authors considered and analyzed the genre features of Soviet fine art during the “Thaw” and “Stagnation” periods during the times of the leaders of the Soviet Union, M. Khrushchov and L. Brezhnev, respectively. In particular, attention was focused on socialist realism as the main genre of Soviet reality. The influence of the Soviet communist propaganda, built around the fine arts, was also investigated and its propaganda influence on the named art trend was highlighted.

It was determined that during the Khrushchov Thaw, the period of development of Soviet propaganda was marked by the preservation of the system of socialist realism, but with a new, more loyal approach that took into account political changes in the state with the disclosure of greater attention to everyday life. On the one hand, at this time, a clear historicity is being built, which is reflected, for example, in the painting “October Wind”. She combines the difficult past with optimistic modernity in the work “Warm Day”. This testifies to the attempts of the ideological apparatus of the totalitarian state to adapt socialist realism to new realities and ideological requirements. Thus, after the totalitarian era of J. Stalin, the liberalization of the communist system and culture, caused by the initiatives of M. Khrushchov, was not accompanied by a complete break with the system of total control that arose during the previous decades.

At the same time, in the age of Brezhnev’s stagnation, the genre of socialist realism undergoes the final conservation of its inherent features. Therefore, the article also draws attention to the influence of domestic politics and the struggle with Western genres on the evolution of socialist realism. In particular, during the avant-garde exhibition, the critic M. Khrushchov defines the genre features of socialist realism, pointing out the need to preserve social reality. During the period of stagnation, which was marked by the period of L. Brezhnev’s reign, there is an increase in demonstrations, such as, for example, “Bulldozer Show”, which also affects the formation of genre features of socialist realism. Therefore, the researchers came to the conclusion that political changes within the country, as well as the struggle against “deviations” in art, became the main themes and orientations of socialist realism in that period. This determined its development and dynamics in accordance with changes in the political landscape. The fight against the so-called “perverted art” determined the internal context of the genre and contributed to the maintenance of ideological purity in art, its unification and screening of manifestations unacceptable to the Soviet regime.

The article defines the evolution of the genre features of socialist realism in the Soviet Union, noting its adaptation to political and ideological changes during the “Thaw” and “Stagnation” periods. The authors of the presented study highlight the important stages of this process, paying attention to the influence of internal politics and external challenges on the formation of visual arts in Soviet society. Therefore, it was determined that the peculiarity of socialist realism in the fine art of the USSR was the need to establish it as a single, legalized method controlled by the authorities for reproducing the ideology of a “developed” socialist society.

Keywords: Soviet fine art, socialist realism, “Khrushchov Thaw”, “Stagnation”, communist ideology, Soviet propaganda, communist propaganda.

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Honcharuk M.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.33

 

Abstract. The article examines the role of the prominent Ukrainian translator and researcher of Azerbaijani literature, Mykola Miroshnychenko, in the development of bilateral dialogue between our peoples in various spheres. The author considers the role of the individual as a key and unique resource for the development of relations between countries that have only restored their state independence after decades of Soviet occupation, the destruction of the mechanisms of creating a unique state, cultural, and diplomatic space peculiar to the Ukrainian and Azerbaijani peoples; who learn to build bilateral dialogue, establish cooperation in various sectors, including literature, culture, and journalism. The relevance of the article lies in the lack of research into the figure of Miroshnychenko as a Ukrainian translator, a researcher of Azerbaijani literature and its heritage in the context of the revival of the Ukrainian-Azerbaijani dialogue and the presence of certain crisis processes, such as a crisis of competence, quality of work and expertise of self-proclaimed researchers of cultural relations between our countries.

The phenomenon of Ukrainian-Azerbaijani studies (in the context of which the figure of M. Miroshnychenko is considered) is characterized as a constant, long-lasting process, with its own traditions and values, the formation of which was made by the outstanding Mykola Gulak, Oleksandr Navrotskyi, Lev Lopatynskyi, Agatangel Krymskyi, Leonid Pervomaiskyi, Valery Marchenko , Pavlo Movchan, etc.

The main achievements of Mykola Miroshnychenko as a Ukrainian translator of Azerbaijani literature are named: the development of Ukrainian Azerbaijani studies as a phenomenon in Ukrainian literature and science, the continuation of the traditions of the outstanding M. Gulak, A. Krymskyi, etc., the actualization of their achievements; systematization and research of large volumes of translation and scientific works, selection of high-quality and competent ones; development of dialogue between writers, literary experts, journalists of Ukraine and Azerbaijan; translation of dozens of Azerbaijani poets to Ukrainian, both classics and modern authors.

The author emphasizes the reasons for the exceptional value and significance of Miroshnychenko’s works: unlike many Ukrainian translators from Azerbaijani, Mykola Mykolovych perfectly mastered the Azerbaijani language (as well as Turkish, Old Turkish, Crimean Tatar) and constantly improved his knowledge of literature, culture, history, customs and traditions of Azerbaijanis, without which it is impossible to carry out a highly artistic translation of both modern literature and classics that wrote their texts under the influence of complex mystical and philosophical currents; the researcher devoted more than thirty years of his life to Azerbaijani studies, which culminated in the fundamental two-volume “Anthology of Azerbaijani Poetry”, which was published in 2006 and to this day remains the main work that represents Azerbaijani literature in Ukrainian translations at a high artistic level.

The article outlines a number of tasks that must be implemented in order to continue the work of M. Miroshnychenko and the qualitative development of literary relations between our countries: publication of manuscripts of translations from Azerbaijani that never saw the light of day during the translator’s lifetime due to lack of funding; publication of author’s poetry collections, in particular, a series of poems dedicated to Azerbaijan; development of dialogue platforms for discussion and analysis of the heritage of the poet, translator and researcher between specialists of Ukraine and Azerbaijan.

Keywords: Azerbaijan, Mykola Miroshnychenko, Ukrainian-Azerbaijani relations, translation and literary processes, Ukrainian Azerbaijani studies.

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Saranov S.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.42

 

Abstract. Machiavelli’s «The Prince» and Richelieu’s «Political Testament» are two iconic works that reflected the process of formation of political realism. On the one hand, this is a well-researched phenomenon, and in this sense, this article is not an attempt to highlight the historical significance of two separate works, since this aspect is quite well studied in historiography. The presented article is also not an attempt to highlight the historical circumstances of the creation of the two texts of the works. Despite the considerable interest of this question, it would also mean in many ways to repeat the path taken by other researchers or to be included in academic discussions that have a narrower framework. The presented article analyzes at the problematic level the methodological possibilities of a comparative analysis of the «peace» category within the framework of «The Prince» and the «Political Testament». In previous publications, the author of the article considered the general characteristics of the «peace» category in Richelieu’s «Political Testament», methodological and interpretive aspects of the historical significance of «The Prince», outlined the contours of the problem of the reception of Machiavelli’s ideas in «Political Testament». The author stated the topical nature of this issue in the general context of the formation of the tradition of socio-political development of the early modern times. The author proposed methodological parameters for the study of the «peace» category, emphasized the insufficient study of this issue in historiography as a whole. The topical nature of the mentioned problem is intensified in the light of insufficient study of the «Political Testament» in terms of sources and historiography. For a number of reasons, as you know, unlike «The Prince», Richelieu’s «Political Testament» is a less studied text. Considering this, the issue of comparative consideration of the «peace» category in «The Prince» and «Political Testament» in the context of introducing additional characteristics to the definition of the «peace» category deserves special attention. This will allow us to better see the specifics of the formation of the tradition of political realism, to understand the degree of commonality and the level of differences in the texts of the two works from a number of key aspects.

The purpose of the article is to consider the problem of the relationship between the category of «peace» in Machiavelli’s «The Prince» and Richelieu’s «Political Testament». In addition to general scientific research methods, the main research method is the comparative-historical method. The scientific novelty is that, for the first time, a comprehensive comparative analysis of the category of «peace» in Machiavelli’s «The Prince» and Richelieu’s «Political Testament» is carried out. The author’s concept of the internal structure of the «peace» category is presented, taking into account the addition of auxiliary elements to this structure. In addition, for the first time in the historiography of the researched issue, the analysis of the categories of «peace» in «The Prince» and «Political Testament» was carried out on the basis of the provisions of the methodological article of the French historian Marc Blok «Towards a Comparative History of European Societies». A comparative analysis of the category of «peace» in Richelieu’s «The Prince» and «Political Testament» shows the productivity of the methodological positions of Mark Blok’s article «On the Comparative History of European Societies», as well as Leo Strauss’s point of view expressed in his concept of «three waves of modernity» regarding the rupture of Machiavelli’s connection with «pre-modern» political thought. We argue, complementing the opinion and argument of Leo Strauss, that in the context of the analysis of the category of «peace» Machiavelli made a break primarily with the tradition of St. Augustine and Homa Aquinas. On the contrary, in our opinion, Richelieu in «Political Testament» tries to connect two traditions, Machiavellian and «pre-modern», trying to offer a «compromise option».

Keywords: «The Prince», «Political testament», «peace» category, Mark Block, Leo Strauss.

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Goncharenko A.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.50

 

Abstract. The article investigates the formation of the foreign policy course of US President Richard M. Nixon on China in January-February1969. The practical implementation of pre-election initiatives by the administration of President Richard M. Nixonin the Chinese direction in January-February1969 was studied. There were analyzed reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of Washington’s foreign policy strategy toward Beijing during the investigated period. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the process of forming the foreign policy course of the new administration towards China in January-February1969 is outlined. It describes the specific US foreign policy actions towards communist China at the beginning of Richard M. Nixon’spresidential period.

Despite the presence in the political, academic, and social circles of the United States of certain attitudes in favor of the recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the political reality of international life, the question of the legal recognition of China in the second half of the 1960s constantly moved to the background.

The victory of Richard М. Nixonin the presidential election in 1968 was accompanied by a series of changes in the system of geopolitical and military priorities of the United States. The new administration’s more realistic approach to China was due primarily to the fact that Beijing, which renounced its alliances and claimed the role of a «third force», was a strong player in the international arena. Moreover, the policy of Kennedy–Johnson did not justify itself, as China has intensified its foreign policy, and established relations with many countries, including the US allies.

At the beginning of the presidency of RichardМ. Nixon, in January-February1969, his administration managed to quickly develop and begin to implement a holistic concept of «new policy» for China. His Chinese policy was inextricably linked to the US foreign policy in Asia and reflected the clash of American and Chinese interests in the region. At the same time, the representatives of the American establishment had a clear idea of how they could influence Soviet-Chinese relations in order to deepen the rift between the USSR and China and what concrete benefits they could derive from this.

A number of objective and subjective factors did not prevent the administration of the 37th President of the United States, Richard М. Nixon, radically changing Washington’s Chinese policy. Communist China continued to be recognized as a powerful factor in the US-Soviet dialogue.

In spite of this, in the late 60s of the twentieth century, the objective preconditions began to evolve gradually, which promoted the normalization of US-China relations in the future and allowed to resolve most of the controversial issues that ultimately led to the international recognition of the People’s Republic of China by the United States of America.

Keywords: USA, PRC, ROC, China, foreign policy, American-Chinese relations, Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger.

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Kliuiev A.M., Chumachenko O.A.

DOI: doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2022.i39.p.5

 

 

Abstract. In the article the authors consider Cossack chronicles and diaries of the 17th–18th centuries. from the point of view of covering the issue of economy and money circulation of the Cossack Hetmanate. The source value of each of them is not the same, but they are united by a common idea such as the formation and strengthening of the Cossack Hetmanate of Ukraine, the establishment of economic independence and the struggle of the Ukrainian Hetmans to preserve their autonomy in the conditions of the “Ruin” and the attack on the rights of the Hetmanateby the Russian tsars in XVIII century. It has been investigated that during the reign of the Polish king Sigismund III (1587–1632), the expansion of trade relations led to the spread of gold and coarse silver coins (ducats and thalers) in Ukrainian lands from the countries of Western Europe. Permanent wars waged in the 17th century between Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and Turkey exhausted the Polish and Ukrainian economies, the prices of grain and other food products rose, and the value of the thaler and ducat gradually increased. Describing the period of the Russian orders spreading in the Hetmanate under Hetman Ivan Briukhovetskyi (1663–1668), HryhoriyHrabianka clarifies the newly introduced monetary and in-kind taxes introduced in the 60s of the 17th century. There are facts about the use of gold coins in the currency of the Hetmanship and their rate against the Russian ruble and Western European money in the Cossack annals. Another stable unit on the money market was the gold ducat, which was called “red gold” in Ukraine during the period. Chronicles of the beginning of the 18th century are increasingly called Russian small (denga and kopeck) and heavy silver coins and rubles which were introduced into monetary circulation by Peter I. But as M. Kotlyar testifies, were found and investigated 67 Ukrainian finds of this period which contained not only Russian coins but also Western European coins, mainly of the 17th century. Thus, we can make sure that S. Velychko exaggerated the rate of displacement of Western European coins by Russian from the Ukrainian market after the Battle of Poltava in 1709. The monetary figure of the Left Bank of the first third of the 18th century, as evidenced by the above-mentioned diaries, is rather complex: they counted both in the Lithuanian and Polish ways. Copies, gold coins, thalers and Russian kopecks and rubles were used as units of account. This reflected the state of the money market at the time, in which foreign coins and numerals were more common than Russian ones. In the written sources of Left Bank Ukraine, the largest number of references to the сzechs (one-and-a-half pennies) refers to the first quarter of the 18th century. This coincides with evidence of numismatic material regarding the greatest spread of сzechs in the circulation of the Left Bank of the mentioned period. However, in the next two or three decades сzechs remained one of the popular coins of the Ukrainian market.

Keywords: Sіvershchyna, monetary circulation, treasures, coins.

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